The Indian government has refused to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the New Delhi government also is purchasing Russian oil, undercutting U.S. and Western efforts to create a united front of democracies to confront Moscow for its military aggression.
Five times last month the government of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi abstained on United Nations General Assembly resolutions that condemned the Russian attack on its smaller neighbor.
In addition to India‘s traditional reliance on Russia as a defense supplier, David Stilwell, former assistant secretary of state for Asia Pacific affairs, said that, as it relates to Ukraine, the idea that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend“ appears to be in play.
“Relations between China and India are at their nadir, which incentivizes India falling back on its traditional relationship with Russia,” Mr. Stilwell said, adding “Everyone knows the Russia–China relationship is a marriage of convenience.”
“But because the world sees Putin as the aggressor, Modi announced India will remain neutral,” Mr. Stilwell said. “Ironically, this is the same approach China is taking. Prime Minister Modi has some thinking to do.”
Additionally, Delhi sees an opportunity in buying newly discounted Russian oil on international markets. Five shipments of Russia oil, estimated to include about 6 million barrels of crude oil, were sent to India when many other markets were closed to Moscow, CNBC reported Sunday.
“This is about half the entire volume discharged last year — a significant uptick,” Matt Smith, an oil analyst at Kpler, told the network.
China, so far at least, has refrained from buying low-cost Russian crude over fears it will trigger Western financial and economic sanctions.
The state-run Sinopec Group halted talks with Moscow on a potential $500 billion oil and gas investment in Russia, Reuters reported Friday. The deal was put on hold over concerns in Beijing that Chinese companies will face sanctions over the Ukraine conflict.
India‘s fence-sitting has not been lost on Washington. President Biden recently described India, a key part of the anti-China group of democratic states known as the Quad, as “somewhat shaky” in response to dealing with Russia over Ukraine.
By contrast, the two other members of the Quad, Japan and Australia, both have joined the United States in using economic and diplomatic pressure on Russia and strongly condemning the Kremlin’s decision to invade.
Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison earlier this month pressed his counterpart Mr. Modi to take stronger action against Russia. Days earlier, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida publicly called for closer cooperation among democratic states, warning that the Ukraine war threatened to undermine the global order.
White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki, asked about Indian purchases of Russian oil, said every country has different economic reasons for deciding its policy on Russian energy resources.
“We have been in touch, of course, with Indian leaders at a range of levels, not through the president,” she said earlier this month. “What we would project or convey to any leader around the world is that the rest of the world is watching where you’re going to stand as it relates to this conflict, whether it’s support for Russia in any form as they are illegally invading Ukraine.”
An outlier in the Quad
June Teufel Dreyer, political science professor at the University of Miami, said India has been the most recalcitrant member of the four-nation Quad, and its U.N. stance was a setback for other Quad members’ hopes for deepening the not-quite-alliance. The bloody border clash between Indian and Chinese troops two years ago had fed hopes Mr. Modi’s government would be more active in countering China.
“It will be interesting to see what comes out of the 2+2 meeting among [Secretary of State Antony] Blinken, [Defense Secretary Lloyd] Austin” and their Indian counterparts reportedly set for early April, she said.
Rep. Ro Khanna, California Democrat and vice chairman of the House U.S.-India Caucus, criticized India for failing to openly condemn the Russian invasion, now in its second month.
“First, India should condemn in the U.N. Putin for the blatant human rights violations,” Mr. Khanna said on “Fox News Sunday.” “Second, [India’s leaders] need to realize they have to pick sides. We, the United States, were with them when China invaded India. Putin wasn’t there. And it’s time for them to buy weapons from the United States, not Russia.”
Mr. Khanna said the United States needs to facilitate the flow of U.S. weapons and help the Indians end their reliance on Russian arms. “We need India as an ally ultimately to contain China,” he said.
Last week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi traveled unexpectedly to New Delhi, in part to build anti-U.S. sentiment at a meeting of the BRICs group of nations – Brazil, Russia, India and China – set for September in China.
New Delhi, however, declined to join the drive, and said it was too soon to speak of normalizing ties between the world’s two most populous countries. Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar told Mr. Wang that normal ties between the two nations must be predicated on Chinese troops pulling back from positions along the disputed border.
“The frictions and tensions that arise from China‘s deployments since April 2020 cannot be reconciled with a normal relationship between the two neighbors,” he said.
Mr. Jaishankar said both ministers agreed on the need for an immediate cease-fire in Ukraine.
“Although we don’t like Russian — that is Putin’s — actions these days, Washington has to get out of the business of telling other sovereign nations how to think,” Mr. Stilwell, the former assistant secretary of state, said. “Our approach to India has long been too judgmental. Obviously values matter, but we also have to maintain a relationship. It is possible to do both, especially with democratic counterparts.”
Tensions with China
Ronald M. Moultrie, undersecretary of defense for intelligence and security, told a House hearing earlier this month that tensions remain high between India and China over the 2020 clash on the disputed border area in northern India. A group of 20 Indian troops were killed and at least four People’s Liberation Army troops died in the confrontation.
The Indian government is in the midst of a major military modernization of its air, ground, naval and strategic nuclear forces, Mr. Moultrie noted.
“India‘s longstanding defense relationship with Russia remains strong, holding their first 2+2 format talks in December — a joint foreign and defense ministerial that India previously only held with the United States, Japan, and Australia,” he said.
A key weapons system purchased by the Indians is the Russian S-400 air defense system with the first units delivered in December. Indian arms purchases from Russia, including advanced air defenses, could result in U.S. sanctions.
“India doesn’t want to antagonize Russia, which in its USSR incarnation supported India against China back when [Secretary of State Henry] Kissinger-instigated panda-hugging exacerbated relations with both the USSR/Russia and India,” Ms. Dreyer, the University of Miami professor, said.
“I’m sure the Indians haven’t forgotten that. So who’s the greater enemy here? I would argue that it’s China. If so, it would be unwise for the U.S. to threaten sanctions due to the S-400s.”
A spokesman for the Indian Embassy did not respond to a request for comment on the government’s position on the Ukraine conflict.
K. K. Sing, a former Indian intelligence official, struck back at critics of the Indian stance on the Ukraine conflict, telling the EU Reporter that the West still views India through a “colonial prism.”
Mr. Sing said the majority of Indians do not support Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war. However, the former intelligence official, echoing Russian propaganda, stated that Russia was provoked in part by NATO’s attempts seeking to expand covertly near its borders.
“Thanks to India‘s unique relationship with Russia, the Russia–Ukraine conflict has not triggered an anti-Russia wave in India,” China Daily asserted. “On the contrary, this may well turn out to be a rare opportunity for India to change its diplomatic strategy.”